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Fijians are ‘fed up’ – no more coups in modern politics, says Ratuva

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Professor Steven Ratuva
Professor Steven Ratuva . . . Coups "corrupt and destroy the very principles on which constitutional democracy is built." Image: Jonacani Lalakobau/The Fiji Times

By Shayal Devi in Suva

“Our people are fed up with coups”  — this is the message from renowned Fijian academic Professor Steven Ratuva as he reiterated the statement shared by Minister for Home Affairs Pio Tikoduadua earlier this week.

Professor Ratuva, director of Canterbury University’s Centre for Pacific Studies in New Zealand, said coups had no place in modern politics and Fiji was no exception.

“It corrupts and destroys the very principles on which constitutional democracy is built, it is destructive to the economy, disrupts social relationships and wellbeing and creates a cycle of instability in the long run,” he said.

“A coup is like the covid epidemic with a long tail and unfortunately, we are still in the shadows of the long tails of the previous coups because the impacts are still with us, even as years pass.

“Up to a point, people will reach the coup-fatigue threshold and Fiji would have reached it long ago, as people are just fed up [with] coups and simply hearing rumours associated with coups, it is psychologically traumatising to say the least.”

Professor Ratuva said the whole nation had collectively been traumatised by the series of coups in the past since 1987 and it was time to “put a stop to this scourge”.

He added that the military, as a professional security institution, was often subjected to external political interests and pressures to serve narrow political and personal ends.

Military for ‘nation-building’
He also commended the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF) Commander Ro Jone Kalouniwai for his conduct during this time.

“The military must be an independent institution for national security and nation-building, not a tool for illegal state capture by some,” Professor Ratuva said.

“Fiji’s military commander is a highly educated officer with an internationally reputable status and his calm and intelligent response to destabilising rumours, gives the nation a sense of assurance and comfort.

“He and the military will need support by all political parties and citizens generally to maintain stability in these challenging times.”

Shayal Devi is a Fiji Times reporter. Republished with permission.

The French Revolution executed royals and nobles, yes – but most people killed were commoners

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Political prisoners during the 1793 French Reign of Terror awaiting their fate
Political prisoners during the 1793 French Reign of Terror awaiting their fate. Most of the 17,000 people executed across France during the French Revolution were guillotined in the Terror. Image: Detail from an etching in the Wellcome Collection/The Conversation

ANALYSIS: By Claire Rioult and Romain Fathi

For a lot of people, mention of the French Revolution conjures up images of wealthy nobles being led to the guillotine.

Thanks to countless movies, books and half-remembered history lessons, many have been left with the impression the revolution was chiefly about chopping off the heads of kings, queens, dukes and other cashed-up aristocrats.

But today what’s known in English as Bastille Day and in French as Quatorze Juillet — a date commemorating events of July 14 in 1789 that came to symbolise the French Revolution — it is worth correcting this common misconception.

As historian Donald Greer wrote:

[…] more carters than princes were executed, more day labourers than dukes and marquises, three or four times as many servants than parliamentarians. The Terror swept French society from base to comb; its victims form a complete cross section of the social order of the Ancien régime.

The ‘national razor’
The guillotine was first put to use on April 15 1792 when a common thief called Pelletier was executed. Initially seen as an instrument of equality, however, the guillotine soon acquired a grim reputation for its list of famous victims.

Miniature guillotine, French revolution era,
Miniature guillotine, French revolution era, Musée Carnavalet. Image: Les musées de la ville de Paris/The Conversation

Among those who died under the “national razor” (the guillotine’s nickname) were King Louis XVI and Queen Marie Antoinette, many revolutionary leaders such as Georges Danton, Louis de Saint-Just and Maximilien Robespierre. Scientist Antoine Lavoisier, pre-romantic poet André Chénier, feminist Olympe de Gouges and legendary lovers Camille and Lucie Desmoulins were among its victims.

But it wasn’t just “celebrities” executed at the guillotine.

While reliable figures on the definitive number of people guillotined during the Revolution are hard to find, historians commonly project between 15,000 and 17,000 people were guillotined across France.

The bulk of it occurred during the the Reign of Terror.

When the decision was made to centralise all (legal) executions in Paris, 1376 people were guillotined over just 47 days, between June 10 and July 27, 1794. That is about 30 a day.

The bulk of the executions occurred during the the Reign of Terror.
The bulk of the executions occurred during the the Reign of Terror. Image: Bibliothèque nationale de France/The Conversation

The guillotine wasn’t the only method
However, the guillotine represents just one way people were executed.

Historians estimate around 20,000 men and women were summarily killed — either shot, stabbed or drowned — during the Terror across France.

They also estimate that in just under five days, 1500 people died at the hands of Parisian mobs during the 1792 September massacres.

More broadly, around 170,000 civilians died in the civil Wars of the Vendée, while more than 700,000 French soldiers lost their lives across the 1792-1815 period.

The vast majority of these people killed were ordinary French men and women, not members of the elite.

Overall, Greer estimates 8.5 percent of the Terror’s victims belonged to the nobility, 6.5 percent to the clergy, and 85 percent to the Third Estate (meaning non-clerics and non-nobles). Women represented 9 percent of the total (but 20 percent and 14 pecent of the noble and clerical categories, respectively).

Priests who had refused to take the oath of loyalty to the Revolution, émigrés who had fled the country, hoarders and profiteers who made the price of bread much dearer, or political opponents of the moment, all were deemed “enemies of the Revolution”.

Why was so much blood shed during the Reign of Terror?
The paranoia of the regime in 1793–94 was the result of various factors.

France fought at its borders against a coalition led by Europe’s monarchs to nip the revolution in the bud before it could threaten their thrones.

Meanwhile, civil war ravaged the west and south of France, conspiracy rumours circulated across the country, and political infighting intensified in Paris between opposing factions.

All these factors led to a series of laws voted up in late 1793 that enabled the expedited judgment of thousands of people suspected of counterrevolutionary beliefs.

The measures contained in the infamous “Law of Suspects” were, however, relaxed in the summer of 1794 and completely abolished in October 1795.

Queen Marie Antoinette led to her execution on a horse-cart on the 16th of October 1793.
The fate of Queen Marie-Antoinette and its many depictions in pop culture has influenced how many people think of the Revolution. Image: Aquatint with engraving by C. Silanio after Aloisin, 1793/Wellcome Collection/The Conversation

How the focus came to be on beheaded nobility
For many people, however, mention of this period of French history leads to the vision of a bloodthirsty Revolution indiscriminately sending to their death thousands of nobles.

This is largely influenced by the fate of Queen Marie-Antoinette and its many depictions in pop culture.

British counter-revolutionary propaganda in the 1790s and 1800s also helped popularise the idea that aristocrats were martyrs and the main victims of revolution executioners.

This representation was mostly forged via the abundant publication in the 19th century of memoirs and diaries of survivors and relatives of victims, usually from the social and economic elite fiercely opposed to the Revolution and its legacy.

A broader legacy
Beyond the guillotine and the Reign of Terror, the legacies of the revolution run far deeper.

The revolution abolished entrenched privileges based on birth, imposed equality before the law and opened the door to emerging forms of democratic involvement for everyday citizens.

The Revolution ushered in a time of reforms in France, across Europe and indeed across the world.The Conversation

Claire Rioult is a PhD candidate in early modern history, Monash University, and Dr Romain Fathi, senior lecturer, History, Flinders University.  This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons licence. Read the original article.

Wenda slams ‘grave abuses’ against Papuan activists at MSG demos

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West Papuans rally in support of full membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group
West Papuans rally in support of full membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group in defiance of a crackdown by Indonesian security forces. Image: ULMWP

RNZ Pacific

A West Papua pro-independence leader says Indonesia is ramping up its repression of peaceful activists while people mobilise in favour of the province gaining full membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG).

Benny Wenda said 10 activists were arrested earlier this week while handing out leaflets advertising a peaceful rally to support his United Liberation Movement for West Papua (ULMWP) gaining full membership of the sub-regional group.

Wenda added that the next day rallies in Jayapura and Sentani were forcefully disbanded and 21 people arrested.

He said at the rallies activists were demanding that their birthright as a Melanesian nation be fulfilled.

Wenda said West Papua was entitled to full membership of the MSG by “our ethnic, cultural, and linguistic ties to the rest of Melanesia”.

“If Melanesian leaders needed further proof of the necessity of ULMWP full membership, then Indonesia has provided it,” he said.

“Only as full members will we be able to expose grave abuses such as these arrests on the international stage, and to defend our identity as a Melanesian people.

‘Why the quietness?’
“Indonesia claims that they are entitled to membership of the MSG because they represent other Melanesian populations. If that is the case, then why are these populations staying quiet?

“Indonesia cannot claim to represent West Papuans in the MSG, because we already have representation through the ULMWP.”

Wenda is demanding on behalf of the ULMWP and the West Papuan people “that no further arrests are made of Papuans rallying peacefully for full membership”.

He said Indonesia had nothing to fear from West Papuans returning to “our Melanesian family”.

“At the same time, they must understand that West Papuans are speaking with one voice in demanding full membership. All groups, ages, genders and tribes are totally united and focused on achieving our mission. We will not be deterred.”

The MSG is due to meet in Port Vila, Vanuatu, this month, although the dates have not yet been announced.

Last week, the Indonesian President Joko Widodo visited Papua New Guinea (PNG) with trade, border arrangements and education foremost on the agenda.

However, as reported by RNZ Pacific, one topic that was not discussed was West Papua despite the countries sharing a 760km border.

An estimated 10,000 West Papuan refugees live in PNG, escaping a bloody conflict between armed separatists and the Indonesian army.

This article is republished under a community partnership agreement with RNZ.

Time for France to grant New Caledonia independence, says Wamytan

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New Caledonia's Assembly President Roch Wamytan talking to news media in Baku
New Caledonia's Assembly President Roch Wamytan talking to news media in Baku . . . the "page of French colonisation should be closed". Image: APA News

Asia Pacific Report

Kanaky New Caledonia’s parliamentary President (speaker) Roch Wamytan says it is time for France to end colonisation in the Pacific territory.

Speaking to journalists while in Baku, Azerbaijan, for the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) ministerial meeting last week, he said: “It is time for France to grant independence to New Caledonia.”

Wamytan, president of the Territorial Assembly in Noumea, noted that France had made New Caledonia its colony for more than 160 years, reports APA.

He said the page of colonisation should be closed and that Kanaky New Caledonia should be granted independence.

Wamytan thanked Azerbaijan President Ilham Aliyev for his statement on colonialism at the NAM meeting and emphasised that the president’s words were an important support for the Kanak people to gain independence.

West Papua solidarity group protests over arrest of 10 KNPB members

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West Papua National Committee (KNPB) protesters in Jayapura rally in support of full West Papuan membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group
West Papua National Committee (KNPB) protesters in Jayapura rally in support of full West Papuan membership of the Melanesian Spearhead Group. Image: Jubi News

Asia Pacific Report

An Australian advocacy group for West Papua self-determination has condemned yesterday’s arrest by Indonesian security forces of 10 West Papua National Committee (KNPB) members.

The activists were arrested “simply because they were handing out leaflets informing people of a rally to be held today” to show support for West Papua becoming a full member of the Melanesian Spearhead Group (MSG), said the Australia West Papua Association (AWPA) in a statement.

The security forces detained the activists and took them to the Jayapura Resort Police station in Sentani for questioning.

They were eventually released after being detained for eight hours.

It was reported that the police were threatening the KNPB activists and asking therm to make a statement not to carry out West Papuan independence struggle activities.

“Yet again we have peaceful activists arrested for simply handing out leaflets about an upcoming rally, which is their right to do under the UN’s Universal Declaration of Human Rights,” said Joe Collins of AWPA:

Article 19
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

Article 20
1. Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association.

“Hopefully any rallies that take place today will be allowed to go ahead peacefully and there will not be a repeat of the brutal crackdowns that occurred at other peaceful rallies in the past.”

The Melanesian Spearhead Group is due to meet in Port Vila, Vanuatu, this month, although the dates have not yet been announced.

The MSG consists of Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Solomon Islands, Vanuatu and the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS) of Kanaky (New Caledonia).

West Papua has observer status while Indonesia has associate membership and Jakarta has been conducting an intense diplomatic lobbying with MSG members over recent months.

The United Liberation Movement of West Papua (ULMWP) has applied for full membership.

Rendezvous with the ‘no nukes’ Aneityum cover girl after 33 years

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Mother and daughter . . . in 1983 (right) and 2016 (above).
Mother and daughter . . . in 1983 (right) and 2016 (above). Both, Annie Keitadi and June (who was aged just five when the picture was taken by David Robie at the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement conference in Port Vila, Vanuatu), were featured on this "nuclear free" book cover. The pair are pictured here on Aneityum Island. Image: Del Abcede/Café Pacific. Tearsheet: Vanuatu Daily Post

Dr David Robie was one of the resource speakers at a Teachers’ Wānanga on teaching about the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement with “the legends who made history” at Auckland Museum on 10-11 July 2023. During his talk about project journalism and how 40 students had compiled the storytelling for an Eyes Of Fire : 30 Years On microsite, he told the story of his search for the “unknown” five-year-old “no nukes” girl at Port Vila’s Independence Park more than three decades later in 2016.  

By David Robie

She had the most enchanting smile, even though she had lost her baby teeth. Her toothless grin turned out to be perfect for her role.

The five-year-old girl had her face painted with a black anti-nuclear symbol — different motifs on both her cheeks. Beside her was a neatly sketched poster: “No nukes: Please don’t spoil my beautiful face”.

This was the scene in Port Vila’s Independence Park in 1983 during the region’s second Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) Movement conference. It was during the heady days of nuclear-free activism with Vanuatu, the world’s newest nation only three years old and founding Prime Minister Walter Hadye Lini leading the way.

I was there that day as an independent journalist taking many photographs for my series of articles for Pacific and international media. One person who really stood out was the little girl with the beautiful smile.

But I never knew her name back then.

33 years on
Thirty-three years have passed since then and my wife, Del Abcede, and I have just visited Aneityum Island this week [2016] to meet that very girl — June Keitadi and her family.

She  is  now  June Warigini, mother of three, a grandmother and a Salvation Army volunteer living on her home island. And she still has that stunning smile.

I wanted to present her with a copy of my 2014 book, Don’t Spoil My Beautiful Face: Media, Mayhem and Human Rights in the Pacific, whose title was inspired by her and she is featured on the cover. Not only June, but her mother Annie Keitadi is also featured there. Her father, Jack Keitadi, was deputy curator of the Vanuatu Kaljoral Senta at the time and he later became curator.

It was a delight and a privilege for Del and me to be able to visit the family on Aneityum last week and to be treated to a “royal” welcome by the community and tribe. June remembers that day in 1983 really well. It left a deep impression on her in later life.

PDSMBF girl
June Keitadi, then aged five, with her mother Annie and her “Please don’t spoil my beautiful face” placard in Port Vila, Vanuatu, in 1983. Image: © David Robie

“They wanted someone young who could go on their behalf to the French Embassy and present a petition calling on France to halt its nuclear tests in the Pacific — so they chose me,” she recalls.

Symbolic of N-ravages
“But the ambassador left in a hurry out the back. I don’t know why he was afraid of a little girl.”

She remembers her toothless smile was regarded as symbolic of the ravages of nuclear testing in the Pacific, not only by France, but also the United States and Britain. Faced with persistent protests in the Pacific, France eventually ended all nuclear testing in 1996, thirteen years after that Port Vila rally. But the campaign for full compensation for the Tahitian victims of nuclear testing continues.

June feels that her experience at that young age helped give her an inner strength for the challenges of life today and inspiring her in her desire to help others in her church work.

The poster for the NFIP Teachers' Wānanga at Auckland Museum on 10-11 July 2023.
The poster for the NFIP Teachers’ Wānanga at Auckland Museum on 10-11 July 2023.

Ironically, both Del and I met her by chance on Christmas Day at the end of 2015, but had no idea at that time of her connection with my book. While visiting Aneityum for a day, we shared in an “olden days” traditional food and customs exposure in a model 19th century village on the island.

When we eventually discovered her identity — after my appeals on my blog Café Pacific and an NFIP network had failed but a Vanuatu blog came to the rescue earlier this year — and we saw photographs of her, my wife exclaimed: “That’s her, that’s the June we have met.”

We realised that the guide “June” we had met that day on the island was indeed June Keitadi now Warigini.

Idyllic island
Aneityum, the southernmost island in Vanuatu, currently has a population of 1740. It is not part of Vanuatu’s electricity grid and islanders rely on solar power.

The island has no cars, or even a road. The air connection is only two return flights a week from the Tafea provincial capital on Tanna. There is also no doctor, although a dispensary is now operating with two nurses and a midwife.

On the other hand, for visitors like ourselves, island life seems idyllic, a byword for “paradise”.

The "no nukes" article as published online by the Vanuatu Daily Post.
The “no nukes” article as published online in 2016 by the Vanuatu Daily Post. Image: VDP screenshot

Aneityum has a wonderful healthy lifestyle for youngsters, remote from the world’s conflicts and problems. There are three primary schools and a boarding secondary school — one that attracts students from other outer islands whose parents want an education where the traditional way of life is important and free from the urban ills of Port Vila. June is assistant bursar at Teruja secondary school.

She tells a delightful story about a recent excursion for students from Aneityum who went on a “field trip” adventure by island cargo ship to Tanna to visit the spectacular Mount Yasur volcano.

The island’s micro economy is self-sustaining and is augmented by occasional cruise ship visits and tourism days on Mystery Island. It appears that Aneityum is remote from government services or assistance and the support of cruise shipping companies, such as P&O, is crucial for the islanders.

This article was originally published by the Vanuatu Daily Post on 3 September 2016. Professor David Robie, then director of the Pacific Media Centre in New Zealand, was at the time on sabbatical from Auckland University of Technology. He is author of the book Don’t Spoil My Beautiful Face: Media, Mayhem and Human Rights in the Pacific and many other Pacific media and politics books.

Dr David Robie talks NFIP at the Teachers' Wānanga at the Auckland Museum on 11 July 2023
Dr David Robie talks NFIP at the Teachers’ Wānanga at the Auckland Museum on 11 July 2023. Image: Del Abcede/Café Pacific

Nuclear-free campaigners warn against AUKUS raising Pacific tensions

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Activist minister Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua brandishes the petition against the AUKUS military pact at the launch in Auckland
Activist minister Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua brandishes the petition against the AUKUS military pact at the launch in Auckland today. Auckland Peace Squadron campaigner Reverend George Armstrong is on the right. Image: David Robie/APR

By David Robie

Advocates and defenders of a nuclear-free Pacific have condemned the AUKUS military pact and warned New Zealand that the agreement would make the world “more dangerous” and should not join.

Participants at a Nuclear-Free and Independent Pacific (NFIP) movement teachers’ wānanga launched a petition against the pact with one of the “elders” among the activists, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira (Te Moana Nui a Kiwa), symbolically adding the first signature.

Speaking about the petition declaration in a ceremony on the steps of the Auckland Museum marking the 10 July 1985 bombing of the Greenpeace flagship Rainbow Warrior, Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua explained that the AUKUS agreement was a military pact between Australia-UK-US that was centred on Canberra’s acquisition of nuclear propelled submarines.

“The pact also includes sharing weapons and other military technologies,” Reverend Strickson-Pua said, reading from the declaration.

“The New Zealand government is considering joining part of this pact. This petition opposes AUKUS and calls for a foreign policy centred on an independent, demilitarised and nuclear-free Pacific.”

Reverend Strickson-Pua asked why this was important.

“AUKUS is an aggressive military pact. Security in New Zealand and the Pacific can only be ensured by centring sustainable development, Indigenous rights, and environmental protection.

‘Deepen geopolitical tensions’
“AUKUS makes the world more dangerous. New Zealand participation in AUKUS would deepen geopolitical tensions in the Pacific, and threaten Pacific nations’ long held policy of ‘friends to all and enemies to none’.

“AUKUS impedes climate action. Climate change remains the single greatest threat to the livelihoods, security and wellbeing of all peoples of the Pacific.

“The threat of climate change requires international diplomacy and cooperation, not militarism.

“AUKUS threatens our nuclear free legacy. Aotearoa New Zealand has a proud history of anti-nuclearism and solidarity with the Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific movement.”

Reverend Strickson-Pua also stressed that AUKUS was not based on public consultation.

“It accelerates climate injustice, violates our treaties and regional commitments, and erodes regional decolonisation efforts.”

The petition urges the New Zealand government to reject any role in the AUKUS military pact and condemns the use of nuclear weapons and non-peaceful nuclear technologies in the Pacific.

Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) campaigners Hone Harawira, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira and Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua
Nuclear Free and Independent Pacific Movement (NFIP) campaigners Hone Harawira, Hilda Halkyard-Harawira and Reverend Mua Strickson-Pua on the steps of Auckland Museum today. Image: David Robie/APR

‘French Letter’
After the reading of the declaration, participants sang the popular Herbs anti-nuclear song “French Letter.”

This petition is led by Te Kuaka and is addressed to Prime Minister Chris Hipkins, Foreign Affairs Minister Nanaia Mahuta, Minister of Defence Andrew Little, and Associate Foreign Affairs Minister (Pacific) Carmel Sepuloni.

The petition launch and Rainbow Warrior reflection followed the teachers’ wānanga which featured many veteran activists of the NFIP and New Zealand nuclear-free movements such as Hilda Halkyard-Harawira, Hone Harawira, Reverend George Armstrong and others discussing past actions and strategies for the future — such as linking with the climate crisis.

“Today we heard from movement elders and educators about the ongoing relevance of the history of the NFIP movement for Aotearoa,” said Marco de Jong, a Pacific historian working for WERO (Working to End Racial Oppression) who is the wānanga co-convener.

“Our nuclear-free legacy is an important part of national identity, but it is important to make sure we approach it critically so we are not teaching mythology to our learners.

“Today we heard about regional and Māori dimensions that might add diverse historical perspectives, tomorrow we will work on translating them into resources for a range of different learning environments.”

"Independence in the Pacific" posters at the teachers' wānanga at the Auckland Museum
“Independence in the Pacific” posters at the teachers’ wānanga at the Auckland Museum today. Image: David Robie/APR

Jakarta’s rights commission criticised for ‘failure’ over NZ pilot hostage case

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Former Komnas HAM chairperson Ahmad Taufan Damanik
Former Komnas HAM chairperson Ahmad Taufan Damanik . . . "It is difficult to expect a strategic role for Komnas HAM - their position tends to just follow what is being done by the [Indonesian] government." Image: Indoleft News/Kompas

By Singgih Wiryono in Jakarta

Indonesia’s former National Human Rights Commission (Komnas HAM) chairperson Ahmad Taufan Damanik says it is difficult to expect Komnas HAM to play a role in freeing the New Zealand pilot Philip Mehrtens held hostage in West Papua.

According to Damanik, who was chair 2017-2022, this is because the current Komnas HAM leadership has taken a position tending to follow the government line and “doesn’t have the courage” to resolve humanitarian problems in Papua.

Damanik cites as an example the “humanitarian pause” agreement that was unilaterally cancelled by Komnas HAM, which triggered an escalation of violence in Papua, including the seizing of the Susi Air pilot by rebels demanding Papuan independence.

The humanitarian pause in Papua was an agreement reached by the Komnas HAM leadership for the 2017-2022 period to temporarily halt armed contact between the conflicting groups in Papua.

“Since they unilaterally cancelled the humanitarian pause without any good reason, as well as the lack of communication between parties, especially with our Papuan friends, it is difficult to expect them to play a role in Papua,” Damanik said in a text message on Friday.

“The one-side cancellation caused anger among those who were pushing for a humanitarian pause in Papua.

“With such a position, it is difficult to expect a strategic role for Komnas HAM. Their position tends to just follow what is being done by the government,” he added.

Communications deadlock
Yet, according to Damanik, by maintaining the independence of its authority, the Komnas HAM could break the communication deadlock between the demands of the hostage takers, — the West Papua National Liberation Army armed wing of the Free Papua Organization (TPNPBOPM) — and the government.

Hostage NZ pilot Philip Mehrtens in new video 260423
Hostage NZ pilot Philip Mehrtens as he appeared in a recent low resolution video . . . “There is no need [for Indonesia’s bombs], it is dangerous for me and everybody here.” Image: TPNPB screenshot APR

Moreover, there has been an offer by the TPNPB group led by Egianus Kogoya for the Papua Komnas HAM Representative Office to act as negotiator in the hostage case.“Including the [Philip Mehrtens] hostage negotiations, the Egianus group asked for the involvement of the Papua representative [office] head’s help. My hope is that the Komnas HAM national is welcomed in Papua, so it is better to provide full support to the Komnas HAM Papua representative office,” Damanik added.

Damanik also hopes that Komnas HAM, which is now headed up by Atnike Nova Sigiro, could be critical of central government policies that are wrong.

“Communicating criticism like this is what we used to do [when I served at Komnas HAM] and there is no need to worry about tension in the relationship [with the government]. That’s normal in relationships between institutions,” said Damanik.

Earlier, Sigiro said that the commission had entrusted all matters related to dealing with the New Zealand pilot’s hostage case to the government, saying they hoped that the case could be resolved peacefully.

Authority ‘with government’
“Authority for dealing with the hostage case is in the government’s hands,” said Sigiro earlier this month.

Mehrtens was taken hostage by the TPNPB on February 7 when his plane was set on fire after landing at the Paro airstrip in Nduga regency, Papua Highlands.

At the time, the plane was transporting five indigenous Papuan passengers. Mehrtens and the five passengers reportedly fled in different directions.

The five Papuans returned to their respective homes while Mehrtens was taken hostage by the pro-independence militants.

Translated by James Balowski for IndoLeft News. The original title of the article was “Tak Terlibat Aktif dalam Upaya Bebaskan Pilot Susi Air, Komnas HAM Dikritik”.

Gordon Campbell: Double standard Israeli news narratives about Palestine

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An Israeli armoured vehicle during this week's IDF attack on the Jenin refugee camp
An Israeli armoured vehicle during this week's IDF attack on the Jenin refugee camp in Palestine's Occupied West Bank. Image: Jaafar Ashtiyeh/AFP/Werewolf

By Gordon Campbell

So far, the coverage of the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) assault on the Jenin refugee camp has followed a familiar pattern. Images of explosions and rising plumes of smoke have been punctuated by footage of anguished/angry Palestinian civilians at funerals for family members and neighbours.

As the Columbia Journalism Review once noted, television news editors find it hard to resist images of rocket fire.

“Military action dominates breaking news coverage of conflicts overseas, which perpetuates old narratives. The focus becomes the latest violence, the number of rocket attacks, and the ensuing death toll. That framing omits critical perspectives from the communities themselves, and continues a trend of presenting half-true storylines.”

There is an obvious double standard in the media treatment of Ukraine and occupied Palestine. The same practices — the bombing of population centres, the collective punishment of civilians by destroying essential infrastructure — are treated very, very differently.

Russia’s brutal and illegal actions under international law are routinely denounced, as they should be. But Israel’s near-identical behaviours? Not so much.

In fact, the context-free narratives of Israeli “soldiers” versus Palestinian “militants” tends to be slotted into journalism’s beloved reduction of complex issues into tit-for-tat, this side/that side reportage. In occupied Palestine, this false equivalence ignores (a) the vast imbalance of military force in play and (b) the equally large imbalance in the deaths, injuries and habitat destruction. It also skates over the explicitly stated intentions of Israel’s National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, as reported only a fortnight ago:

“Israel’s far-right national security minister has called for a wider military operation and intensive illegal settlement campaign in the occupied West Bank, according to local media.”

“‘There needs to be full settlement here. Not just here but on all the hilltops around us,’ said Itamar Ben-Gvir . . .

“‘We have to settle the land of Israel and at the same time need to launch a military campaign, blow up buildings, assassinate terrorists. Not one, or two, but dozens, hundreds, or if needed, thousands,” he added.”

Killing thousands, if that’s what it takes? In effect, Ben-Gvir was calling for a pogrom against those standing in the way of Israel fulfilling its mission to settle “the land of Israel.” Meanwhile, the world stands by wittering about how the West Bank settlements pose “an obstacle to peace” and to achieving the mythical “two state solution.”

Casualties of war
The chronic casualty imbalance across the occupied West Bank and Gaza has always reflected a reality where stone-throwing Palestinian teenagers and a smattering of poorly armed Palestinian militia have been up against one of the world’s most powerful armies — a force willing to unleash air strikes, drone-fired missiles, tanks and snipers on crowded communities.

To some extent, that striking double standard between the coverage of Ukraine and Palestine has been a function of the media’s selective use of sources. Routinely, the Western media coverage gives more space — and thereby, credence — to the IDF and Israeli government narratives of the conflict.

Reports on Jenin by the BBC (carried on RNZ) have passively repeated Israeli claims that this is a “counter-offensive” inspired by Palestinian provocation, and aimed at rooting out “terrorists “and “militants.”

In a grotesque inversion, a BBC correspondent interviewed this week by RNZ spoke of the “targeting” of Israeli settlers by Palestinian youth. This is despite the escalating series of deadly attacks by settlers this year on dozens of small Palestinian villages, dotted across the West Bank.

Settlers (backed by the IDF) have systematically terrorised Palestinian families to enable the expansion of existing settlements on the West Bank, and the building of new ones.

International laws and outlaws
Repeatedly, New Zealand talks up the need to support the norms of international law. Supposedly, small countries like ours depend on the maintenance of a rules-based international system. Yet we choose to support those norms very selectively.

China’s intimidatory actions in the South China Sea? We abhor them. Yet last November New Zealand abstained from a UN resolution that — among things — condemned Israel’s seizure in 1967 (and occupation ever since) of the West Bank and Gaza, while also denouncing Israel’s related failure to abide by the international laws incumbent on it as the occupying power.

New Zealand’s explanation for sitting on the fence was that (a) it hadn’t had time to consider the resolution properly(!) and (b) it had misgivings about the definition of “annexation” used in the UN resolution. Really?

Given that Israel has been the occupying power on the West Bank for the past 56 years, and given its long track record of expanding its settlements on Palestinian land, the sight of New Zealand taking fright about the threshold definition of “annexation” was shameful to behold.

For the record, on war crimes . . .  The Jenin refugee camp was created in 1953, to house Palestinian refugees and their families displaced by the foundation of Israel in 1948, and by subsequent conflicts. Generations of Palestinians have known no other home. According to UNRWA estimates, some 13,000- 15,000 Palestinian refugees or 22,000 (according to Al Jazeera’s estimate) are packed into an area only a half a square kilometre in size.

Similarly, the people of Gaza are also penned into a confined area. The entire Gaza Strip holds an estimated 2 million Palestimians on some 365 square kilometres of land.

By some estimates, Gaza is the third most densely populated territory in the world.

Air strikes punish civilians
Air strikes on such dense population centres cannot help but (a) kill and injure large numbers of civilians, and (b) collectively punish civilians by destroying their homes, schools, hospitals, mosques, roads and capacity to generate electricity.

Reportedly, Israel’s current military operation in Jenin has trashed the refugee camp’s basic infrastructure.

Under international law, these collective punishments are war crimes. If we denounce such actions when Russia does them in Ukraine, why are our politicians — and media — so reluctant to do likewise when Israel happens to be the perpetrator?

Instead…. In reporting on the military attacks on these densely packed enclaves, the Western media has passively repeated Israeli propaganda that the IDF air raids, drone attacks, tank onslaughts etc on civilian homes and neighbourhoods are “pin point” and “precise” and “seek to avoid civilian casualties.”

Ultimately . . .  Media accounts carried by NZ news outlets heavily rely on Israeli narratives and framing language, either directly, or via the BBC and US networks. These Israeli perspectives have dominated the reporting on the deadly raids on Gaza, the ongoing evictions of Palestinian families from East Jerusalem, and now, in Jenin.

As mentioned above, Palestinian voices are almost entirely absent, beyond the occasional soundbites from anguished victims.

Why are there so few appearances in our media by Palestinian journalists, academics or regional analysts? Such people exist. They’re out there every day challenging the version of events being put forward by the IDF (and Israeli government) sources. Why aren’t we hearing from them and reading them in our own news reports?

Protests over Shireen
To be fair, some journalists have jointly protested about the failures of the West’s media coverage of Palestine. The Columbia Journalism Review’s report on last year’s killing of the prominent Palestinian journalist Shireen Abu Akleh by an IDF sniper placed the Western media’s spineless coverage of that killing, in the wider context of the deliberate targeting of journalists by the IDF:

“In 2018, Israeli snipers shot and killed Ahmed Abu Hussein and Yasser Murtaja, both of whom were covering protests at the border between Israel and Gaza and wearing press vests. In the four years since then, according to a tally compiled by Reporters Without Borders, Israeli soldiers and police have fired either live rounds, rubber bullets, stun grenades, or tear gas at 144 Palestinian journalists, or beaten them with batons.[In mid 2021] Israeli forces bombed a building that housed offices belonging to both Al Jazeera and the Associated Press . . . “

Regardless, our media chooses to place its trust in the veracity of the agents of an administration that is violently hostile to the very existence of on-the-ground reporting in Palestine that strays beyond the official line. We all heard the fuss recently about RNZ’s unwitting promotion of Russian propaganda that allegedly, had been inserted by a rogue RNZ digital editor into dozens of news agency stories about Ukraine.

Yet as a matter of course, Western media — including RNZ — repeat Israel’s propaganda virtually unchallenged, and this can’t help but skew public understanding of one of the world’s major conflicts.

It is not as if Western journalists and news editors haven’t had the chance to learn on the job. The residents of Gaza have endured nearly two decades worth of economically devastating blockades, arbitrary restrictions on their movements and ferocious military assaults.

For over half a century, the West Bank has been occupied by Israel in defiance of international law. Within Israel, there have been further decades of ethnic discrimination encoded in laws that have drawn direct comparisons with the former apartheid regime in South Africa (see below).

Yet regardless, none of this seems capable of moving the needle on the accepted terms of media/diplomatic discourse regarding Palestine. If anything, the Labour-led government has pedalled away from New Zealand’s co-sponsorship in 2017 ( via then-Foreign Minister Murray McCully) of a UN resolution denouncing the growth of settlements in the occupied territories.

Footnote One: Nothing betrays the reliance on Israeli-generated framing language than the invocation of “militants” and “ Hamas” as rationales for further IDF/settler violence. In reality, Hamas is not simply an armed group, but a political party. It is also a social organisation that is among the few remnants of Palestinian civil society that Israel has not (yet) managed to entirely suppress. Being a Hamas “affiliate” therefore, tends to be a very elastic term :

“. . . Almost everyone and everything in Gaza can be considered a Hamas affiliate. This unchallenged, loose definition has enabled Israel’s war architects to widen the definition of legitimate targets to include civilians and civilian infrastructure, including mosques, schools, hospitals, banks, electricity lines and residential homes, all of which have been targeted.”

This week in Jenin, the television footage of the flattening by tanks of Palestinian residences — for the safety of IDF soldiers from retaliation — was shown without comment, let alone a denunciation. This may sound like a cracked record, but when an occupying power deliberately destroys civilian residences as part of its military operations, that is a war crime.

Destroying the homes of a subject civilian population is not a morally or legally acceptable form of security precaution.

Footnote Two: Should our media be willing to use the “apartheid” term when reporting on Israel’s domestic laws that discriminate on ethnic grounds? Given our commitment to Te Tiriti O Waitangi principles, we should be sensitive on this issue.

Twenty years ago, former US President Jimmy Carter created waves with his book Palestine: Peace Not Apartheid In Carter’s view, Israel’s apartheid policies and laws are worse than those that used to prevail in South Africa.

In 2017, the “apartheid” term was used by former Israeli leader Ehud Barak (in an interview with the DW German news agency) as a warning against the “slippery slope” down which Israel’s discriminatory laws and practices are headed. In 2021, this report by the Israeli human rights organisation B’Tselem concluded that Israel’s official practices on the West Bank do meet the definition of apartheid.

In February of this year, the leading Israeli newspaper Haaretz published an editorial headlined “Israel’s Cabinet Just Advanced Full-Fledged Apartheid in the West Bank.” The Haaretz editorial denounced the current policies of the Netanyahu government as amounting to “a de jure annexation” of the West Bank. Moreover, Haaretz concluded:

“In light of the fact that there is no intention of granting civil rights to the millions of Palestinians living in the West Bank, the result of the agreement is a formal, full-fledged apartheid regime.”

Memo to Foreign Minister Nanaia Mahuta: we used to oppose apartheid and its policies of ethnic supremacy in South Africa. An entire generation of New Zealanders continue to bang on about their Springbok tour heroics.

With that history in mind, why are our diplomats not being encouraged to denounce the apartheid rule to which Palestinians are currently subjected? At the very least, New Zealand should be voting in the UN accordingly.

The Global Voices news site has just published an eloquent account of the family evictions of Palestinians from areas of East Jerusalem, along with an analysis of some of Israel’s discriminatory laws. A more academic analysis of the discriminatory laws relevant to the East Jerusalem evictions can be found here.

A brief outline of the evictions plan now being pursued in East Jerusalem can be found here. A useful Human Rights Watch history of the Israel/Palestine conflict and the emergence of the apartheid state can be found here.

Footnote Three: Finally, some notes on those casualty figures. As Al Jazeera reported in late May:

“Since the start of 2023, Israeli forces have killed at least 156 Palestinians, including 26 children. The death toll includes 36 Palestinians killed by the Israeli army during a four-day assault on the besieged Gaza Strip between May 9 and 13.”

Over the same January to early June period of this year, 19 Israelis and foreigners had been killed in violent attacks. In the course of the IDF “Cast Lead” military assault on Gaza in the winter of 2008/2009 ,the corresponding figures were even worse.

Amnesty International later reported that 1,400 Palestinians were killed in that 22 day operation by the IDF, including 300 children, 115 women and 85 men aged 50 or over. (Reportedly, 83 percent of those killed in the Cast Lead campaign were civilians.)

The same Amnesty report on the Cast Lead assault also found that three Israeli citizens were killed by retaliatory Palestinian rocket fire, four IDF soldiers were killed by Palestinian gunfire and four other Israeli soldiers were killed by the IDF’s own friendly fire.

Over the subsequent 15 years, not much has changed in the lopsided nature of the casualty figures.

No matter how dutifully our news coverage clings to the media doctrine of “both sides-ism”. . . the situation in Palestine has never been anything like a level playing field. Basically, journalism should be treating Israel’s apologists with the same healthy scepticism as we now treat climate change deniers.

Gordon Campbell is an independent progressive journalist and editor of Scoop’s Werewolf magazine. This article has been republished with the author’s permission.

Jayapura court finds Yeimo guilty of ‘treason’ in appeal – longer sentence

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The international spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee, Victor Yeimo (seated and wearing glasses), in a detention vehicle after attending his treason trial
The international spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee, Victor Yeimo (seated and wearing glasses), in a detention vehicle after attending his treason trial appeal hearing at Jayapura District Court, on Tuesday. Image: West Papua National Committee/KNPB

Jubi News

The Jayapura High Court has found West Papuan human rights and social justice activist Victor Yeimo guilty of treason and sentenced him to one year in prison in an appeal judgement this week.

The verdict was delivered during a public session held by the panel of judges headed by Paluko Hutagalung, with Adrianus Agung Putrantono and Sigit Pangudianto, serving as member judges.

The charges against Yeimo, the international spokesperson of the West Papua National Committee, stem from his alleged involvement in the Papuan anti-racism protest condemning racial slurs targeting Papuan students at the Kamasan III Student Dormitory in Surabaya on August 16, 2019.

Yeimo was accused of leading the demonstrations that occurred in Jayapura City on August 19 and 29, 2019.

The Jayapura High Court imposed a harsher criminal sentence than the previous verdict on May 5, 2023.

In the previous ruling, the court found Victor Yeimo guilty of violating Article 155 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code, which pertains to the public display of writings or images containing expressions of hostility, hatred, or contempt towards the Indonesian government.

Yeimo was then sentenced to 8 months’ imprisonment.

Stirred controversy
The earlier verdict stirred controversy because the charge of Article 155 paragraph (1) of the Criminal Code was not initially brought against Victor Yeimo. Also, the legal article used to sentence him had already been invalidated by the Constitutional Court.

On May 12, 2023, both the public prosecutor and the Coalition of Law Enforcement and Human Rights for Papua, representing Yeimo as his legal counsel, appealed against the court ruling.

In the appeal decision, the Jayapura High Court overturned the previous decision, found Yeimo guilty of treason, and upheld the initial one-year prison sentence requested by the public prosecutor.

The panel of judges at the Jayapura High Court stated that the time Yeimo had already spent in arrest and detention would be fully deducted from the imposed sentence and ordered him to remain in detention.

Republished with permission.