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Archive: Tahiti: French first for Flosse

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New
New "French" Polynesian President Gaston Flosse . . . although his policies have clearly meant a giant economic leap forward, his critics claim only supporters of the party have cashed in. Image: David Robie/IB

By David Robie

Born a demi in the Mangarevian village of Rikitea in 1931, Gaston Flosse is the first Pacific Islander to become a minister in a French cabinet. Although it was widely rumoured in Tahiti that the newly created post of State Secretary in charge of South Pacific “problems” would go to Flosse, it wasn’t until Prime Minister Jacques Chirac named his cabinet three days after the [1986] Tahitian elections that it became public.

Flosse has a close friendship with both Chirac and Bernard Pons, who became Minister of Overseas Territories (in effect, the boss of Flosse).

Chirac and Pons visited New Caledonia and Tahiti last year [1985] on flag-waving tours to defend French control in the South Pacific.

Flosse’s French cabinet post may appear to independent countries to be in conflict with his duties as President of the Tahitian government. But he doesn’t think so, and neither does the Constitutional Council which gave a ruling in 1984 that the head of the Tahitian government could also be a deputy in the French National Assembly.

Flosse had been lobbying for some months to persuade Chirac that South Pacific policy should not be decided in Paris alone — 20,000 km away. He was the perfect man, Flosse argued, to represent France in the Pacific. He knew Tahiti and New Caledonia and was also known to independent Pacific leaders. He has a particularly close rapport with Sir Thomas Davis of the Cook Islands.

However, when he flew to Rarotonga last August [1985] in an attempt to win observer status for Tahiti at the South Pacific Forum, he was shut out. And although it was a perfect opportunity to build close contacts with English-speaking Pacific leaders, aides reported de wasn’t very interested. He especially missed his chance with Melanesian leaders. Flosse wanted the “red carpet” treatment and when he didn’t get it from the Forum, he almost flew back to Pape’ete in a huff.

Flosse’s new role is the latest move by both the incoming conservative French government and the outgoing socialist administration to reinforce France’s strategic and cultural presence in the South Pacific. Following the Kanaky crisis, l’affaire Greenpeace and the bitter attacks against continued French nuclear tests at Moruroa atoll, he will plunge into the deep end with some sensitive issues.

Flosse is a staunch defender of the presence of the nuclear Pacific Experiments Centre (CEP) in Polynesia, a stance that puts him in an ambiguous position in relation to Pacific nations over their opposition to the tests and the signing of the nuclear-free Rarotonga Treaty last year [1985].

He is also strongly opposed to indépendantiste movements in the French Pacific. But he is certainly likely to use the post as a platform to increase his bargaining power in attempts to gain Cook Islands-style self-government.

  • In 2022, French Polynesia’s 91-year-old former president and veteran politician, Gaston Flosse, was given a suspended prison sentence for producing a fake contract to register as a Pape’ete voter. The criminal court gave him a nine-month suspended sentence, an US$,000 fine, and declared him ineligible for public office for five years, dashing his hopes of standing in the 2023 territorial elections.

This is part 3 of six reports in David Robie’s nine-page cover story portfolio for Islands Business magazine covering the 1986 Tahitian elections. Oscar Temaru went on to become President of French Polynesia five times, the first instance in 2004. His party made a comeback in 2023 to decisively win the Territorial Assembly outright, with Moetai Brotherson as President and independence still the longterm goal.

Archive: Tahiti: The third flag of Faa’a

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The French and Tahitian flags
The French and Tahitian flags . . . "France wants us to think French, eat French and die French." Image: CP

By David Robie

Two flags fly outside most town halls in “French” Polynesia. One is the Tricolore of the French republic; the other is the red and white striped flag of Tahiti.

But Faa’a is different. The maire of this airport town, the second largest with around 23,000 inhabitants, has three flags. Besides the usual pair is a blue-white-blue banner bearing a Christian cross and the words in Māohi Te atua tau fatu –“God is our leader.”

This is the ensign of popular mayor Oscar Manutahi Temaru, the man who is leading the  resurgence of the campaign for Tahitian independence.

Four years ago [1982], Temaru’s Tavini Huira’atira No Porinetia (Polynesian Liberation Front) was regarded as a fringe party. But the following year he won the mayoralty of Faa’a and since then his popularity has soared. Already he is being talked about as the most charismatic figure in Tahitian politics since the late militant independence leader Pouvanaa a Oopa.

Tavini Huira'atira leader Oscar Temaru
Tavini Huira’atira leader Oscar Temaru . . . two seats and a resurgence of pro-independence sentiment. Image: CP

Until his election to the Territorial Assembly, the 41-year-old Temaru was a senior customs official. The mayor’s job is regarded as part-time in French communities but there’s no short-changing in Temaru’s approach. His maire is probably the liveliest in Tahiti. Just to get to see him isn’t easy ready for a chat as he is — and his day starts at 6am — Tahitians line up by the score hoping to get a chance t share their problems with the metua (father).

His office is simply furnished. On the wall behind him is a picture of Jesus Christ and the new flag of Kanaky. On another wall are posters demanding independence for Guadeloupe, a French territory in the Caribbean, and an end to nuclear testing by President François Mitterrand. Opposite him is a declaration by Australian Labour MPs appealing for a halt to the Moruroa tests.

Oscar Temaru
Oscar Temaru . . . “I’ll now have greater freedom to speak out.” Image: David Robie/CP

As I sat waiting, a news item from Noumea flashed across the television screen: A police raid on the Post Office had uncovered a network of French phone taps on leading local politicians, both for and against independence.

“That’s nothing,” snapped one of Temaru’s aides.”The French have been bugging us all along.”

Jubilant over victory
The party was jubilant over winning two Assembly seats and, together with Ia Mana Te Nunaa, almost doubling the pro-independence vote to 20 percent in spite of limited resources for the campaign. Temaru believes it is just the beginning as poorer Tahitians rally to his cause.

“We are the great hope of the Māohi people,” said Temaru, “and the French administration realise it — and fear it. France wants us to think French, eat French and die French.

Pro-independence Ia Mana Te Nunaa's Jacqui Drollet
Pro-independence Ia Mana Te Nunaa’s Jacqui Drollet . . . quickly gained popular support, but poised to be overtaken by Temaru’s party. Image: David Robie/CP

“I’ll now have greater freedom to speak out and have access to radio and television. Within five years the situation will change dramatically in Tahiti. I’m happy that [Gaston] Flosse won decisively because now the opposition parties will wake up and realise they have to push for independence now.”

On the night of the election, there were long facesin Te fare Ura — the “red house”, headquarters of Ia Maaana Te Nunaa (Power to the People), bought last year with contributions from party members. Although both Temaru’s party and Ia Mana, led by Jacqui Drollet, were formed a decade ago, Ia Mana was quicker to gain popular support.

But now it could be on the verge of being overtaken by Tavini Huira’atira as the vanguard of independence.

Ia Mana’s bargaining lever
In 1982, Ia Mana became the first pro-independence party to enter the Assembly, winning three seats. Ever since the party was founded in 1975 it had been growing steadily. And now Ia Mana leader Jacqui Drollet was confidently looking forward to increasing the number of seats and having a bargaining lever with the other opposition parties.

But as the results came in the message looked bleak. Faa’a was the worst. Ia Mana’s votes there were halved. It wasn’t much better in Pape’ete. And the destroyer was Temaru’s Tavini. Ian Mana had underestimated its rival. “We’ll have to become more radical,” said some of the party cadres. “Independence is what the people want to hear.”

But Drollet, a 42-year-old former marine biologist, wasn’t so convinced. Before winning the seats in the Assembly, Ia Mana’s rhetoric about independence and against nuclear tests had been fiery. However, after the three Ia Mana assemblymen took their seats and created a stir by insisting in speaking Māohi rather than French, they became more pragmatic.

“There was no point in harping on about independence all the time,” said Drollet. “You have to be realistic. In 20 years Tahitians have become complete economic hostages of the nuclear testing. “We want eventual independence. But we don’t want it today or tomorrow. We want to put in place a new type of economy based on justice for all our people.”

Ia Mana has set up a cooperative market and drafted a manifesto on restructuring the economy on socialist, self-reliant lines — “which scares the hell out of Chinese, Tahitian and French businessmen.” The party also wants to introduce income tax.

“The problem of nuclear tests is also important — how to manage them,” said Drollet. “The CEP is just like an elephant in a china shop. We have to kill the elephant if our china shop is to survive.”

Drollet took a swipe at Temaru. “He’s unrealistic. He just takes the cross and says, ‘God is our leader . . . and this is good for everybody! The right way, according to Temaru, is just to shout, Farani hors! (‘French out’).

“But this is independence without substance. We ask what kind of independence is this? We don’t want independence and capitalism together — we would be doomed.” Temaru is equally scathing about Ia Mana, claiming it isn’t a “sincere” independence party.

Yet in spite of their differences, Temaru and Drollet have talked them out since the election and are expected to form a pro-independence bloc in the new Territorial Assembly. Other opposition parties may join them.

This is part 4 of David Robie’s nine-page cover story portfolio for Islands Business magazine covering the 1986 Tahitian elections. Oscar Temaru went on to become President of French Polynesia five times, the first instance in 2004. His party made a comeback in 2023 to decisively win the Territorial Assembly outright, with Moetai Brotherson as president and independence still the longterm goal.

David Robie – Qantas awards and Media Peace Prize 1985-89

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NZ Media Peace Prize 1985
Journalist David Robie wins the 1985 NZ Media Peace Prize for his coverage of the Rainbow Warrior bombing and Rongelap evacuation.

Auckland Star

The Rainbow Warrior, New Zealand’s future military role in the Pacific and a history of peacemaking were the winning topics in this year’s New Zealand Media Peace Prizes.

The New Zealand Foundation for Peace Studies prizes were divided into three categories — print, radio and audiovisual — with each winner receiving a sculpture and $1000.

Auckland freelance journalist David Robie won the print section with a series of articles on the Rainbow Warrior’s Pacific peace voyage and its subsequent sabotage in Auckland Harbour.

A documentary on New Zealand’s future military role in the Pacific and the development  of American facilities in this country won Vanguard Films’ Alistair Barry the audiovisual prize.

Islands of the Empire took three years to make and is intended as an educational resource, but the competition judges have strongly urged Television New Zealand to screen the film.

A two-hour documentary on this country’s history of peacemaking by producers Dianne Stogre Power and Robyn Hunt won the radio award.

The National Council of Churches-sponsored awards were announced at a special ceremony last night in the Auckland War Memorial Museum.

Rainbow Warrior takes prize, Auckland Star, 3 December 1985
Rainbow Warrior takes prize, Auckland Star, 3 December 1985.
Peace prizes awarded to journalists, The New Zealand Herald 3 December 1985
Peace prizes awarded to journalists, The New Zealand Herald 3 December 1985.
The NZ Media Peace Prize awarded to David Robie, 2 December 1985
The NZ Media Peace Prize awarded to David Robie, 2 December 1985.
David Robie, winner of the 1988 Qantas NZ Press Awards for Tourism Journalism
David Robie, winner of the 1988 Qantas NZ Press Awards for Tourism Journalism – his coverage of the social justice and economic fallout from the 1987 Fiji coups for New Outlook magazine.
David Robie, winner of the 1989 Qantas NZ Press Prize for Best Feature Writer
David Robie, winner of the 1989 Qantas NZ Press Prize for Best Feature Writer – his coverage of the Pacific for the NZ Listener magazine in 1988.

Archive: Éloi Machoro knew his days were numbered

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Éloi Machoro
Éloi Machoro . . . the grim face, cap and striped sheeshirt became a symbolic figure of the Kanak rebellion. Image: © David Robie 1984

By David Robie in the New Zealand Times

Éloi Machoro was a marked man. Almost any day for the last few weeks could have been counted as his last — and he knew it.

The hardline Kanak leader, who sparked off the Libyan fears in New Caledonia after a visit to Tripoli last August, was shot dead by French police in controversial circumstances last weekend.

High Commissioner Edgard Pisani said Machoro was shot when he opened fire on police during an operation against armed Kanak militants. However, president Jean-Marie Tjibaou of the Kanak provisional government accused police of “murdering” Machoro with the compliance of senior administration officials.

“White extremists want me dead — they will do anything to get rid of me,” Machoro told me recently in one of the last interviews before his death.

Speculation was rife that he would become another martyr just like the man he succeeded. Three years ago Machoro became secretary-general of the pro-independence Caledonian Union after French-born Pierre Declercq was shot dead in the South Pacific’s first political assassination.

I tracked down Machoro to a heavily guarded Kanak encampment near the siege village of Thio, where four fishing boats were blown up this week amid rumours that “foreign  soldiers” were being used by Kanak rebels.

Over lunch — cooked with meat “requisitioned” in a raid on a nearby farmer’s cattle stock — Machoro bitterly criticised Australia and New Zealand over their policies about New Caledonia.

“Hypocrisy from Canberra and Wellington has helped plunge our country into chaos,” claimed Machoro. “We’re a peaceful people, but we have been frustrated in our right to independence for too long.

“Promises . . . promises . . . promises . . . and in the end nothing! For five years we pleaded with the South Pacific Forum for our case to be taken uo in the United Nations. For five years we got nowhere.

“Instead, when we took action ourselves all we got was a hypocritical roasting over the Libyan and Moscow ‘links’ — which are a load of rubbish. There was no serious attempt to undersgand our quest for sovereignty.

“if Canberra and Wellington had followed Vanuatu’s lead the Libyan issue would never have arisen. But when you’re desperate you have to seek help where you can.”

Machoro, 38, a former schoolteacher and local MP, was Minister of Internal Security in the Kanak government — or as some cynics labelled him, “minister of disorder”.

A key member of the political bureau of the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS), Machoro was also believed to be leader of the militant wing of the front.

But unlike other ministers of the Kanak government who have been negotiating with French authorities since Kanak barricades were lifted in mid-December, Machoro waged a militant campaign in the central part pf the country near the nickel-mining area of Thio and his home village of Nakety.

Settlers claimed the Kanaks were harassing them but Kanak leaders said they were protecting pro-independence Kanaks.

The death of Machoro — whose grim face, cap and striped tee-shirt became a symbolic figure of the rebellion — is a severe blow to hopes of reconciliation between whites and Kanaks. Kanak leaders also say the shooting has scuttled Pisani’s one-year independence plan.

Meanwhile, diplomatic sources and French authorities reject reports by an Auckland newspaper that about 150 foreign soldiers led by white officers may be supporting Kanak forces in New Caledonia.

The newspaper cited sources saying witnesses had seen masked white men, who could not speak French, in the Thio area, leading Melanesians.

Diplomatic sources rejected the report as being part of the “wild rumours” sweeping the territory.

During three visits to the Thio area I saw several masked men dressed in ragged military fatigues leading other militants — but they were all clearly Kanaks.

It would be impossible for foreigners to land in New Caledonia without French authorities knowing.

Machoro knew his days were numbered, New Zealand Times, 20 January 1985.

Archive: Bicycle snoop riles the Baltic

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Peace researcher Owen Wilkes and the Norwegian "spy" saga

By David Robie in The New Zealand Times

Is Sweden breaching its long tradition of neutrality and secretly cooperating with Nato countries? Yes, believes controversial New Zealand peace researcher Owen Wilkes. If true, disclosure that the Swedish military really is cooperating with Western nations would be politically disastrous in Sweden.

And Wilkes may have touched a panic button by his “snooping” on the Swedish defence communications system.

“The reason why I got into trouble on this case is simply that Sweden doesn’t want the public discussing the details of military policy the way it is happening in other countries, like Britain and West German,” he says.

[Owen Wilkes was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize by researchers at the University of Canterbury].

Bicycle snoop riles the Baltic
Bicycle snoop riles the Baltic, New Zealand Times, 21 March 1982.

Archive: Take route N20C to a hidden scrap of Spain in France

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Llivia . . . a tiny part of Spain hidden in France
Llivia . . . a tiny part of Spain hidden in France since 1659. Image: CP File

Because of an error in translation of the terms of a treaty between Spain and France  signed in 1659, a hamlet in France on the border between the two countries is to this day Spanish. To enter Llivia motorists must make a detour into Spain and join another road, Route N20C, to cross back into France. Checkpoint police are Spanish, customs controls are tight, and shop prices are in pesetas, reports Gemini News Service.

By David Robie in Perpignan

Route N20C seems at first just like most other minor French country roads in the south. Narrow, bouncy and picturesque. But to drive along this short road one comes to a dead end in the tiny French hamlet of Llivia. Well, not quite . . . the Spanish village of Llivia.

This curious scrap of Spanish territory inside France is one of the strangest enclaves in the world.

Tucked in a valley among the snow-capped peaks of the eastern Pyrenees near the principality of Andorra, Llivia is only five square miles (about 13 sq km) and has fewer than 900 inhabitants during the winter (more during the tourist season).

Few French and Spanish people I have spoken to realise Llivia exists. And most maps do not mention it, let alone pinpoint where it is.

Yet the enclave of Llivia has survived for more than three centuries — since the Peace of the Pyrenees Treaty of 1659 when Spain ceded to France the province of Rousillon and 33 villages of the Cedana valley in northern Catalonia. Llivia itself was then a “villa” and apparently remained Spanish because of an error in translation.

Llivia in Spain/France . . . French people used to have ready access from nearby towns.
Llivia in Spain/France . . . French people used to have ready access from nearby towns. But customs controls have been tightened up and barriers erected. Map: Gemini News 1975

Today it is linked to Spain by the five mile (13 km) “neutral corridor” of Route N20C, which runs to Puigcerdà, just over the border in the Catalonian province of Gerona. Guardia civil (Spain’s paramilitary police), truck drivers and Llivia residents use this road freely.

French people used to have ready access to Llivia from nearby towns. But customs controls have been tightened up, barriers erected and the roads have “Prohibited entry without customs clearance” signs plastered everywhere.

To enter Llivia foreign motorists must now make a detour into Spain from the French border town of Bourg-Madame and join N20C at Puigcerdà. Crossing back into France the checkpoint police are in the olive-green of Spain — not French blue.

Customs regulations prohibit the import into Llivia of more than six pounds (2.7 kilos) of fruit, one pound of canned or bottled goods and three pints of wine. And no alcohol or cigarettes.

The village is a sleepy huddle of stone-walled cottages with slate roofs. Washing is hung out to dry and blankets to air on wrought iron balconies. Dominating everything is the tower — claimed to be the oldest pharmacy in Europe — around which a fortified church was built in the 15th century.

There is a modern hotel at the entrance to the village — alongside the red royal Castllian emblem of a yoked bunch of arrows which lets one know that this is Spain. Several modern houses front the main street.

Placards above the little stores and cafes are in Spanish and the prices are in pesetas but francs will do if one does not mind paying a steep loading.

One of the largest buildings in town is a four-storey, white-washed and wooden-shuttered police station with a sign above the main door saying Todo por la Patria — “everything for the motherland”. It looks big enough to hold a small garrison but the Pyrenees Treaty permits Spain to have six soldiers or guardia civil in the enclave at one time.

“In fact,” an employee at the ayutamiento (town hall) confided in me, “there are eight at the moment.” But, she added, this was not the first time the treaty had been infringed.

During the Spanish Civil War refugee republican soldiers sheltered in Llivia by the score. At first, the French authorities turned a blind eye to them, but their number swelled so much that they became an embarrassment.

Today Spain seems to be content with the Pyrenees Treaty and France lives with Llivia. Suggestions by France in the last couple of decades that Spain cede Llivia in return for more limited powers for the the French co-principality of Andorra have quietly faded away.

David Robie is a New Zealand journalist. He has been a reporter and subeditor of the Melbourne Herald; chief subeditor then editor of the Sunday Observer, Melbourne; chief subeditor then acting night editor of the Rand Daily Mail, Johannesburg, South Africa; and group features editor of the Daily Nation, Nairobi, Kenya. He is now an editor with Agence France-Presse in Paris and a correspondent for Gemini News Service.

Archive: Addis Ababa: Vibrant city in a fairytale kingdom

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Axum . . . among the rubble lie the ruins of the Queen of Sheba's historic capital
Axum . . . among the rubble lies the ruins of the Queen of Sheba's historic capital. Image: David Robie

A former New Zealand Herald journalist, David Robie has travelled widely overland in 14 African countries and is now group features editor of the Aga Khan’s Daily Nation national daily in Nairobi, Kenya.

By David Robie

Fascinating and awesome, Ethiopia could easily be some make-believe country plucked from the pages of Hans Christian Andersen or the brothers Grimm.

For centuries the world has caught only fleeting glimpses of the fairytale nation where history has become confused with legend.

This is the land of the fabled Queen of Sheba, Prester John, the hidden kingdom of Lalibela and the robber-ogre Emperor Theodore. And it is the domain of the of the world’s oldest Christian state which, locked away in mountain strongholds and counting the days on a calendar of 13 months, fought for survival in the middle of conquering Islam.

Ethiopia was among the first parts of black Africa known to European travellers. The handful who braved the gauntlet of mountain passes and raiders marvelled at the splendour and squirmed at the barbarities of the empire in the 16th and 17th centuries — when much of Africa was still a blank on the map.

Catching up
Even today [authored in 1973] the country is still struggling to catch up with the 20th century. The cities of Addis Ababa and Asmara pay homage to progress with the superficial trappings of ultramodern buildings, industries and neon lights.

But in the countryside the black Biblical world of Ethiopia has hardly changed. The raw beef banquets, the self-satisfied priests emerging from corrugated-iron roofed church huts, the doziness of officials, the toiling peasants crushed by feudalism, the beggars, and the bigotry and violence of the Middle Ages set against remarkable scenic beauty — they are all still there.

Schools rare
In the small towns mud and timber buildings crimble and decay. Banks and post offices are rare. So are schools. The only plentiful places are 75cent-a-night doss houses and bars.

Hygiene is usually forgotten. Looking for a lavatory is an idle exercise. And garbage lies uncollected in alley ways — waiting for hyenas which often venture into villages at night to scavenge.

In a moment of recklessness, I decided to drive into Ethiopia from Kenya’s northern frontier district, which has been closed for several years because of marauding shifta — border bandits. The track was a bruising obstacle course of a dried-up stream beds and potholes.

Diversity of the races makes it difficult for the King of Kings, Emperor Haile Selassie, ruler of Ethiopia since 1916 — except for six years of exile during Mussolini’s occupation — to keep a firm grip on the country from his capital Addis Ababa.

He has been plagued with disorder in Eritrea where there is a Muslim struggle for independence and in Ogaden which is coveted by Somalia.

Addis Ababa is a vibrant thrusting city of almost 700,000 people. Founded toward the end of last century [19th], it is the showpiece of Ethiopia with modern wide boulevards and striking buildings. But Addis has grown in a disjointed and gangling manner. A short distance from the lavish Town Hall there are whole districts of depressing mud hovels.

Peasants poor
In a country with a population of almost 25 million people there are 42 million chickens, 26 million cattle, 24 million sheep, 17 million goats and eight million camels.

The peasants farm diligently. They use ploughs  well and are skilled in terracing and irigation. Their crops are substantial. But they remain among the poorest in Africa (average income each is little more than NZ$40 a year).

Although in 1967 the hated tithe system — paying up to two-thirds of a crop to absentee landlords of the Church — was abolished, feudalism still lingers on to sap the economy.

Any attempt at radical change is crippled by deeply embedded traditions and prejudices. Bitterness among younger Ethiopians lucky enough to have been to school (there are only about 800,000 students at school or university this year) was one of the reasons for a revolt against the emperor in 1960.

My first close contact with the Ethiopian Orthodox Church was at Debre Libanos, the holiest monastery and about 160 km north of Addis Ababa.

The grounds of the monastery’s NZ$1.5 million church were packed with pilgrims — blind women, criplled men, elephantiasis victims, lepers and dying old people. And, of course, the beggars pleading for a handout.

By day the pilgrims kissed the steps of the church and bathed in a nearby holy spring, praying for a cure. By night, they slept in lean-tos beside graves in the cemetery.

One of the bars that I ducked into had special character. The ceiling was covered with years of soot from the midfloor fitreplace. The walls were unfaced mud.

On one wall a grubby page from a Danish newspaper weighed up the chances of Joe Frazier and Muhammad Ali before their world heavyweight boxing title bout. On another was a nude torn from an old Playboy magazine.

The mountain road between Addis Adaba and Asmara passes through many historic places. Gondar, about midway, was a medieval capital and the remains of nine castles built by King Fasilides and his sons still crown the hilltop overlooking the town.

Strange relics
To the north is Axum, the 3000-year-old capital of the Queen of Sheba’s kingdom, which contains strange relics from the past. Towering granite obelisks near the town are a mystery.

Recent archaeological excavations have uncovered the foundations of ancient palaces, tombs and one of the earliest Christian churches — said to be the resting place of the Ark of the Covenant. Many ruins are buried under houses but a huge resettlement scheme will begin soon to enable them to be excavated.

On the edge of the Danakil Desewrt is Bati, a tiny town which swells to a teeming population on market day. Camel trains carry in salt from the saline lakes of the desert. And there is a blending of cultures as Danakil trades with Galla and Amhara.

On the Somali side of the Great Rift Valley is the walled city of Harrar with its crooked wooden houses perched jauntily on top of loose-stone walls and winding alleyways too narrow for cars. Harrar has a frenetic market, like most of Ethiopia, full of strange smells and beautiful women clad in the white shawl-like shamma.

As I drove out of Addis Ababa, past cunning travel posters which advertised “Thirteen months of sunshine” and bumped along the track back to Kenya, I thought about Ethiopia’s shrinking barriers.

Slowly Ethiopia is conquering the obstacles of isolation and improving communications.

Even the hideous track to Kenya is vanishing. Within two years a super highway will link Addis with Nairobi.

This article was first published in The Sunday Herald on 19 August 1973.